Preface
In 1994, the Rwandan Genocide occurred. Conflict persisted between the
two major ethnicities in Rwanda at the time – the Hutu (~85%) and the Tutsi
(~14%). [1] The Tutsi population was used as a scapegoat by the Hutus, and was
blamed for all of Rwanda’s national problems. [1] On April 6th, 1994, a plane
carrying the Hutu Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana was shot down, sparking
violence. [1] The Rwandan Genocide lasted until mid-July, and by then, 800 000
Tutsis had died as well as many Hutus. [1]
Congo:
Africa’s World War
Many refugees and rebels escaped into the eastern region of the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). [2] Such rebels, who were supported by
Rwanda and Uganda, began conquering Congo. Many more conflicts plagued the
region, such as the First Congo War (1996-1997) and the Second Congo War
(1998-2003), whose effects are still being experienced today. [2] The largest
guerrilla army that emerged amidst this struggle was the Hutu-based Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FLDR). In opposition emerged the government-supported National Congress for
the Defence of the People (NCDP), a Tutsi-based militia supported by Rwanda.
Now allied with the government, it is demobilizing into a political party.
Since the Rwandan Genocide, the people of the DRC have been subject to
human rights abuses by both sides of the conflict. Essentially, the population
has become the battlefield, being subject to violence, murder, pillage and rape
on a daily basis. Citizens are also prone to starvation and disease. [3] The
turmoil in the DRC has resulted in more deaths than in Afghanistan and Iraq
combined, and yet, it is one of top underreported humanitarian crises of 2009.
The international community, spearheaded by the United Nations, has responded
to this and is making an effort in attempting to halt the crisis.
Canadian
Foreign Policy and Response
The Canadian response to the Congolese crisis has been economic, military
and social.
Over the decade, Canada has contributed $237,000,000.00
and currently contributes finances at a rate of $33,000,000.00
per year.
Furthermore, the Canadian military operation in the DRC is Operation Crocodile, which consists of 440 military personnel. This operation is Canada’s
role in the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (MONUC), whose overall purpose is to
establish peace in the DRC. [4]
Finally, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) has established developmental relations with the DRC, stating its six objectives
to be [5]:
>
Democratic Governance
>
Private Sector Development
> Health
> Basic
Education
>
Equality between Men and Women
>
Environmental Sustainability
It is also interesting to note that Canadian Governor-General Michaëlle
Jean has visited Congo in her Africa tour to discuss sexual violence. [6]
The
Return of the Human Security Agenda (HSA)
Looking at the Canadian response, notice how much money Canada has spent
and is spending annually. This amounts to a large quantity of finances, and
implies there must be an underlying goal in Canadian policy that accompanies
its superficial moralpolitik in play
at Congo. In our realistic world, it would be impractical to spend so much on
an idealistic goal.
In terms of military action, there has been much discussion over Canada’s role
in the DRC. Indeed, the UN recently asked Canada to lead MONUC, and this debate
had been taken to Ottawa, where Parliament was debating whether Lt.-Gen. Andrew
Leslie will command the 20,000-soldier force. Canada, however, declined, citing its involvement in Afghanistan until 2011. [7] It received much political criticism for this. Perhaps Canada has not yet achieved its realistic goals there and is not yet prepared to concentrate on the DRC for the same purposes.
Upon examination of CIDA’s six goals, don’t they seem a little
idealistic? Doesn’t it also seem perhaps a little too erroneous for the present
situation in the DRC? Surely, the introduction of systems like democratic
governance and basic education can only be sustainable after military conflict
has subsided, or else they would be constantly threatened and likely destroyed.
Until the war ceases, CIDA’s goals should be put on hold.
And why is Governor-General Michaëlle Jean touring Africa and discussing
humanitarian issues? Perhaps the goal is to make Canada seem more involved in
the humanitarian issues in the whole of Africa as well as make the Africans
themselves aware that Canada is participating.
Another notable matter is the coltan-mining industry in the DRC. It is
subject to much violence, as both the FDLR and the CNDP struggle to control it.
[8] Coltan is a compound essential to the manufacturing of cell phones, and the
DRC is the primary supplier of coltan world-wide. [8] As it turns out, Canada is
the largest foreign investor in this industry. [9] It would not be surprising
if Canada’s presence in Congo is partially due to its concerns with protecting
its investments. This sheds some light onto the realistic nature of Canada’s
role.
If we consolidate our facts, then it appears that Canada is indeed
operating in Congo under the ideology of the HSA. Looking back at the East
Timor Crisis (see Human Security Agenda: East Timor Crisis of 1999), Canada’s application of the HSA was a disaster. So why would Canada
return to incorporating the HSA in its foreign policy?
In the big picture, Harper and Jean are doing exactly what Chrétien was
doing – being Machiavellian leaders. However, they’re doing it better. This
time, Canada has more
money and personnel to contribute and is directly involving authority figures
in human rights issues. Furthermore, Harper and Jean have more goals. Not only
will Canada’s international recognition as a peacekeeping nation augment, but
it may just yet win the rotating seat in the United Nations
Security Council. Looking back at past
situations, this may have been what Harper was trying to do with his
introduction of maternal health issues at the G8 summit in Italy (see Idealism vs. Realism: G8 Summit).
In the end, I think that Canadian involvement in the African
World War is just another example of how the HSA is being used as a superficial
ideal goal to conceal and work towards achieving realistic motives. Although
this strategy failed to function during the East Timor Crisis, I theorize that it may very well
prove its worth in Africa’s World War.
Sources
[3] Geoffrey York. “The bleak calculus of Congo’s war without end.” The Globe and Mail, 26 March 2010.
[6] The Globe and Mail:
Michaëlle Jean arrives in Congo as speculation swirls over Canada’s role
[7] The Globe and Mail: Canada rejects UN request to lead Congo mission
[7] The Globe and Mail: Canada rejects UN request to lead Congo mission
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